Normas y factores de género

El género desempeña un papel importante en la decisión de migrar. Al mismo tiempo, los factores que propician la migración tienen efectos diferentes en los distintos grupos de género. Pero además los propios factores tienen sesgos de género. Por ejemplo, en la mayoría de las situaciones, las normas sociales de género asignarán de preferencia a los hombres la función de mantener a la familia, dándoles también un mejor acceso a la información y los recursos necesarios para migrar. Por otra parte, una combinación de factores sociales (como los roles de cuidado de la familia) y de razones culturales y a veces religiosas reduce el acceso de las mujeres a la información y los recursos requeridos para migrar, y las expectativas de que lo hagan (OIM, 2012; Instituto de Estudios sobre el Desarrollo (IDS), 2016).

Las responsabilidades de cuidado de la familia tienen repercusiones de género. Piénsese, por ejemplo, en el caso de las parejas que tienen un hijo en el país de destino. Las mujeres suelen ganar menos que sus maridos, por lo que parece lógico que el padre siga trabajando, para que lleve a casa un ingreso más alto. Esto reduce el acceso de la mujer al mercado laboral y sus posibilidades de avanzar en su profesión. Otro ejemplo es el caso de un hombre casado que migra solo. Las responsabilidades de la esposa que permanece en el país de origen aumentan, al tener que cuidar tanto a su propia familia como a los parientes políticos, lo que reduce su disponibilidad de tiempo y sus posibilidades de avanzar en su carrera laboral.

Example
Impacts for women remaining in the country of origin

For some women, there may be additional burdens of care or pressures to cease working as a result of receiving remittances. In Kerala, where emigration has traditionally been male dominated, women, as spouses and daughters-in-law, have seen their care burden increase due to their responsibilities for older adults (for instance, the parents of their spouses). In some cases, they had relinquished careers and been forced to return from working abroad (Ugargol and Bailey, 2018). There may also be strong pressure on women to cease working and live on remittances, thereby adopting “intensive mothering” in which they concentrate exclusively on bringing up children. The same happens in Peru where men migrate to the United States of America (Bastia and Busse, 2011).

In recent years, however, pervasive social and cultural norms that see women and girls facing day-to-day violence, or without equitable access to education, employment or social protection, have increasingly acted as factors involved in the decision to migrate. For instance, gang and domestic violence perpetrated against women and children is a principal driver of movements from countries like El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees [UNHCR], 2015). This has caused a shift from migration being primarily male, particularly among those using irregular pathways, to more diverse patterns involving women, families and unaccompanied children (Hallock, Soto and Fix, 2018). This shift from a primarily male migration has presented challenges to the migration system in place that catered largely to men, particularly in reference to detention and family separations (see Separation of families).

Increases in the numbers of women migrating independently or as primary wage earners within their families can also be attributed to an increasing demand in feminized labour sectors overseas, such as nursing and other caregiving roles. Women may move ahead of their husbands and accumulate responsibilities to care (at a distance) for their family with a breadwinning role. Overseas domestic and care service is a common occupation for migrant women. As women in high-income countries enter the labour force in greater numbers, the demand for migrant women to perform domestic work and child/elder care services has also been increasing (see Gender and labour migration).

Policy Approaches
Understanding drivers
  • Undertake gender-responsive qualitative research to better understand the drivers that influence the decisions of men, women, boys, girls and non-binary individuals to migrate. This can enhance an understanding of the migration route they take and the level of risk they face.
  • Take whole-of-government and whole-of-society approaches by including multiple ministries and non-government stakeholders when designing a strategy to address and prevent harmful drivers, especially those that result in desperate migration and increased risks.

Sexual orientation and gender identity are also drivers of migration, especially when individuals experience direct or indirect discrimination (Maulik and Petrozzielo, 2017; IOM and UNHCR, 2016). Lesbian, gay, transgender and intersex persons (LGBTI) can suffer abuse based on gender and/or sexual orientation, such as honour crimes, exploitation and abuse, especially in countries where same-sex conduct is considered a criminal offence (UNHCR, 2011). Transgender and intersex individuals may also face persecution for not conforming with gender expectations and norms, as well as exclusion from education, employment opportunities and other services. In some instances, intersex individuals may be subject to unwanted surgery to “correct” their anatomy (UNHCR, 2011).

Given these reasons, it is common for LGBTI people to seek out a place with more progressive normative views. Factors such as sexual orientation and gender identity can also be further compounded by and intersect with other aspects of an individual’s identity, including race, religion, ethnicity and physical ability, leading to vulnerable situations that can prompt migration.

To Go Further
  • IOM and United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees [UNHCR], LGBTI training package . This tool covers foundation topics related to working with LGBTI people in the humanitarian context, including terminology, global issues, the types of discrimination and persecution LGBTI people face, how to successfully communicate with LGBTI people and problematic assumptions we may have that can impact the provision of effective assistance.
El género en situaciones de crisis y posteriores a una crisis

Las desigualdades de género existen en las sociedades también en tiempos normales, pero pueden verse exacerbadas en las situaciones de crisis, o a raíz de ellas. En las situaciones de crisis y posteriores a una crisis, los desequilibrios de las dinámicas de poder y la discriminación por motivos de género se traducen a menudo en violencia física, sexual o psíquica o en consecuencias económicas y políticas. Debido a las desigualdades preexistentes, los hombres, las mujeres, los niños, las niñas y las personas no binarias sufrirán las repercusiones de la crisis de manera diferente. Los roles asignados por la sociedad pueden dificultar la búsqueda de la seguridad. Por ejemplo, el rol de cuidadora de la mujer puede acompañarse de la prohibición de viajar sin la protección de un hombre (Comité Permanente entre Organismos, 2017; OIM, 2018a). Además, en tiempos de crisis es frecuente que las comunidades se aferren a sus normas de género más tradicionales. La aplicación de estas normas tradicionales puede ser una manera de mantener el orden social en un contexto de conflicto armado o de desplazamiento (Marcus y Harper, 2015a).

Las situaciones de crisis —en particular las que desbaratan la protección de la familia y la comunidad— tienden a aumentar la exposición a diferentes riesgos para la seguridad, como el de la violencia de género (véase la sección sobre violencia y explotación de género). Mientras que un 35% de las mujeres del mundo han experimentado la violencia ya sea física o sexual a manos de la pareja o de otra persona en algún momento de su vida, los estudios indican que las crisis pueden aumentar esta cifra al 65% (Ellsberg y Contreras, 2017). Este tipo de violencia puede ser a la vez un catalizador de la migración y un rasgo distintivo de esta, y tiene consecuencias graves que a veces van más allá de la persona, afectando a enteras familias y comunidades.

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Fuente

IOM, 2012.

During conflict, GBV is frequently used as a weapon of war. It can be life threatening, and its often long-lasting consequences require a long-term response beyond the emergency phase. In situations where earning a livelihood is challenging, women and girls as well as men, boys and non-binary individuals are at risk of sexual exploitation and abuse in return for shelter and food, or even for their survival. While GBV can affect all people, globally women and girls are disproportionately affected by this violence (IOM, 2018).

For all of these reasons, all humanitarian interventions should be based on active consultation with affected populations and should consider gender dimensions and vulnerabilities, including sex, age, race, sexual orientation, gender identity, ethnicity, disabilities and risks of GBV (Sphere, 2018; IOM, 2018). For instance, in order to provide female-headed households with access to shelter and non-food items (NFIs), additional special measures might be necessary, such as ensuring privacy as well as safety and security, or taking into consideration caregiving and other responsibilities (more in Emergency response).

Policy Approaches
Challenging harmful social norms and practices
  • Enhance the engagement of women in economic activities that were previously unavailable to them. For example, establish and support programmes that promote gender equality in reconstruction efforts, or provide access to increased decision-making power or leadership roles in camps and camp-like settings.
  • In order to understand the realities of different gender groups, instruct independent researchers to undertake gender-responsive qualitative assessments in crisis situations.
  • Ensure that reporting happens in real time. Without such reporting, policymakers and development partners risk responding to perceptions rather than reality, as they look to improve practices and programmes.

Preconceptions about gender groups, or inaccurate perceptions of them, can unfairly influence the treatment of different gender groups in crisis situations. For instance, the perception that women and girls are more inherently vulnerable may draw the focus of aid agencies away from men and boys. This can result in unaccompanied displaced men and boys being particularly vulnerable to psychological health issues due to isolation and unaddressed physical or mental trauma (Brun, 2017). Similarly, the perception that males need less help can result in scenarios where some boys are not seen as children and are subject to further physical checks that are not considered necessary for girls (Brun, 2017).

Displacement can also impact male-gendered roles, particularly in camps and camp-like settings. In such situations, with no access to employment, and where people are dependent on humanitarian assistance, the male-gendered role of “the main provider” or “protector of the family” is challenged (Birchall, 2016). For men travelling alone, there is often pressure from families to send money home, increasing the need to work. Inability to find work can directly affect individuals’ self-esteem and affect their perception of their own masculinity (Brun, 2017). This can result in securing informal and unprotected employment, where there is little bargaining power to assert labour rights or demand a specific wage (Brun, 2017).

LGBTI individuals face added challenges. Many have experienced or continue to experience targeted abuse and discrimination and may not wish to discuss their sexual orientation or gender identity with the protection community due to the fear of further repercussions (Rumbach, 2013). This can mean that their protection needs are not met (UNHCR, 2011). Reports from camps and camp-like settings indicate that, due to such fear, very few LGBTI refugees report harassment, exploitation and violence at the workplace, or termination from their work because of their sexual orientation or gender identity.

Good Practice
“Safe spaces” for LGBTI refugees in Iraq

Staff working at resettlement support centres (RSC) in Iraq often used a “safe space sign” to let refugees know that the RSC believes in equal rights for all persons and that those being persecuted for their sexual orientation or gender identity can speak freely at the RSC. This was also supported by handouts and other awareness-raising materials.

A hotline was also introduced during anti-LGBTI violence so that individuals could call for support without having to go to the office physically. Further, RSC staff were also fully trained to respond to LGBTI individuals. This way, they could ensure that LGBTI refugees had access to counselling, information, and responsive health and social services in camps and camp-like settings, during resettlement and beyond.

Fuente

Rumbach, 2013.

To Go Further
Mensajes clave
  • El género desempeña un papel importante en la decisión de migrar; al mismo tiempo, los factores que propician la migración tienen efectos diferentes en los distintos grupos de género.
  • Las ideas con respecto a los migrantes, al igual que las actitudes de los propios migrantes, suelen estar moldeadas por las normas sociales que definen los roles de género.
  • Las crisis pueden inducir a las comunidades a aferrarse a los roles de género tradicionales, en un intento de reafirmar el orden social. Sin embargo, también pueden ofrecer oportunidades de redefinir los roles de género.