Gendered norms and drivers

Gender plays a significant role in people’s decision to migrate. At the same time, the factors influencing people to migrate have different impacts on different gender groups. However, there are nuances within these drivers that are gendered. For example, in most scenarios, gendered social norms will place higher expectations on men to be the breadwinner, while also providing them with better access to the information and resources needed to migrate. On the other hand, a mix of social factors (such as care roles), cultural and sometimes religious reasons will result in less access for women to the information and resources needed to migrate, and in lower expectations that women will migrate (IOM, 2012; Birchall, 2016).

Care responsibilities have gender implications. For instance, take the case of couples who have a child in the destination country. Women often earn less than their husbands, so there is an incentive for the father to keep working and ensure a higher income for the household. This hampers women’s access to the labour market and pursuit of a career. Or again, take the case of a married man who migrates alone. His wife’s care responsibilities in the origin country increase, to look after her in-laws as well as her own family, which reduces her available time and constrains her opportunities to pursue a career.

Example
Impacts for women remaining in the country of origin

For some women, there may be additional burdens of care or pressures to cease working as a result of receiving remittances. In Kerala, where emigration has traditionally been male dominated, women, as spouses and daughters-in-law, have seen their care burden increase due to their responsibilities for older adults (for instance, the parents of their spouses). In some cases, they had relinquished careers and been forced to return from working abroad (Ugargol and Bailey, 2018). There may also be strong pressure on women to cease working and live on remittances, thereby adopting “intensive mothering” in which they concentrate exclusively on bringing up children. The same happens in Peru where men migrate to the United States of America (Bastia and Busse, 2011).

In recent years, however, pervasive social and cultural norms that see women and girls facing day-to-day violence, or without equitable access to education, employment or social protection, have increasingly acted as factors involved in the decision to migrate. For instance, gang and domestic violence perpetrated against women and children is a principal driver of movements from countries like El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees [UNHCR], 2015). This has caused a shift from migration being primarily male, particularly among those using irregular pathways, to more diverse patterns involving women, families and unaccompanied children (Hallock, Soto and Fix, 2018). This shift from a primarily male migration has presented challenges to the migration system in place that catered largely to men, particularly in reference to detention and family separations (see Separation of families).

Increases in the numbers of women migrating independently or as primary wage earners within their families can also be attributed to an increasing demand in feminized labour sectors overseas, such as nursing and other caregiving roles. Women may move ahead of their husbands and accumulate responsibilities to care (at a distance) for their family with a breadwinning role. Overseas domestic and care service is a common occupation for migrant women. As women in high-income countries enter the labour force in greater numbers, the demand for migrant women to perform domestic work and child/elder care services has also been increasing (see Gender and labour migration).

Policy Approaches
Understanding drivers
  • Undertake gender-responsive qualitative research to better understand the drivers that influence the decisions of men, women, boys, girls and non-binary individuals to migrate. This can enhance an understanding of the migration route they take and the level of risk they face.
  • Take whole-of-government and whole-of-society approaches by including multiple ministries and non-government stakeholders when designing a strategy to address and prevent harmful drivers, especially those that result in desperate migration and increased risks.

Sexual orientation and gender identity are also drivers of migration, especially when individuals experience direct or indirect discrimination (Maulik and Petrozzielo, 2017; IOM and UNHCR, 2016). Lesbian, gay, transgender and intersex persons (LGBTI) can suffer abuse based on gender and/or sexual orientation, such as honour crimes, exploitation and abuse, especially in countries where same-sex conduct is considered a criminal offence (UNHCR, 2011). Transgender and intersex individuals may also face persecution for not conforming with gender expectations and norms, as well as exclusion from education, employment opportunities and other services. In some instances, intersex individuals may be subject to unwanted surgery to “correct” their anatomy (UNHCR, 2011).

Given these reasons, it is common for LGBTI people to seek out a place with more progressive normative views. Factors such as sexual orientation and gender identity can also be further compounded by and intersect with other aspects of an individual’s identity, including race, religion, ethnicity and physical ability, leading to vulnerable situations that can prompt migration.

To Go Further
  • IOM and United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees [UNHCR], LGBTI training package . This tool covers foundation topics related to working with LGBTI people in the humanitarian context, including terminology, global issues, the types of discrimination and persecution LGBTI people face, how to successfully communicate with LGBTI people and problematic assumptions we may have that can impact the provision of effective assistance.
Gender in crises and post-crisis contexts

Gender inequalities exist in societies that are not experiencing crisis, but they can often be exacerbated by and in crisis. In and post-crisis situations, unequal power dynamics and gender-based discrimination often result in physical, sexual or emotional violence, or in economic and political consequences. Because of pre-existing inequalities, men, women, boys, girls and non-binary individuals will be impacted differently by crisis. Socially ascribed roles can make it difficult to seek safety. For instance, women’s caretaking roles may restrict them from traveling without a male guardian (Inter-Agency Standing Committee [IASC], 2017; IOM, 2018). Moreover, in times of crisis, it is common for communities to revert to more traditional gender norms. Enforcing traditional norms can be used as a way of keeping social order in the context of armed conflict and/or displacement (Harper, 2015).

Situations of crisis – particularly situations where family and community protection have broken down – tend to increase exposure to different protection risks, including risks of gender-based violence (GBV) (see Gender-based violence and exploitation). While 35 per cent of women worldwide have experienced either physical and/or sexual violence by an intimate partner or a non-partner at some point in their lives, research has found that crisis can increase this figure to 65 per cent (Global Women’s Institute [GWI] and International Rescue Committee [IRC], 2017). This type of violence can be both a catalysing factor for migration, and a defining feature of such movement. It has grave consequences that can reach beyond the individual, affecting entire families and communities.

Image / Video

Source

IOM, 2012.

During conflict, GBV is frequently used as a weapon of war. It can be life threatening, and its often long-lasting consequences require a long-term response beyond the emergency phase. In situations where earning a livelihood is challenging, women and girls as well as men, boys and non-binary individuals are at risk of sexual exploitation and abuse in return for shelter and food, or even for their survival. While GBV can affect all people, globally women and girls are disproportionately affected by this violence (IOM, 2018).

For all of these reasons, all humanitarian interventions should be based on active consultation with affected populations and should consider gender dimensions and vulnerabilities, including sex, age, race, sexual orientation, gender identity, ethnicity, disabilities and risks of GBV (Sphere, 2018; IOM, 2018). For instance, in order to provide female-headed households with access to shelter and non-food items (NFIs), additional special measures might be necessary, such as ensuring privacy as well as safety and security, or taking into consideration caregiving and other responsibilities (more in Emergency response).

Policy Approaches
Challenging harmful social norms and practices
  • Enhance the engagement of women in economic activities that were previously unavailable to them. For example, establish and support programmes that promote gender equality in reconstruction efforts, or provide access to increased decision-making power or leadership roles in camps and camp-like settings.
  • In order to understand the realities of different gender groups, instruct independent researchers to undertake gender-responsive qualitative assessments in crisis situations.
  • Ensure that reporting happens in real time. Without such reporting, policymakers and development partners risk responding to perceptions rather than reality, as they look to improve practices and programmes.

Preconceptions about gender groups, or inaccurate perceptions of them, can unfairly influence the treatment of different gender groups in crisis situations. For instance, the perception that women and girls are more inherently vulnerable may draw the focus of aid agencies away from men and boys. This can result in unaccompanied displaced men and boys being particularly vulnerable to psychological health issues due to isolation and unaddressed physical or mental trauma (Brun, 2017). Similarly, the perception that males need less help can result in scenarios where some boys are not seen as children and are subject to further physical checks that are not considered necessary for girls (Brun, 2017).

Displacement can also impact male-gendered roles, particularly in camps and camp-like settings. In such situations, with no access to employment, and where people are dependent on humanitarian assistance, the male-gendered role of “the main provider” or “protector of the family” is challenged (Birchall, 2016). For men travelling alone, there is often pressure from families to send money home, increasing the need to work. Inability to find work can directly affect individuals’ self-esteem and affect their perception of their own masculinity (Brun, 2017). This can result in securing informal and unprotected employment, where there is little bargaining power to assert labour rights or demand a specific wage (Brun, 2017).

LGBTI individuals face added challenges. Many have experienced or continue to experience targeted abuse and discrimination and may not wish to discuss their sexual orientation or gender identity with the protection community due to the fear of further repercussions (Rumbach, 2013). This can mean that their protection needs are not met (UNHCR, 2011). Reports from camps and camp-like settings indicate that, due to such fear, very few LGBTI refugees report harassment, exploitation and violence at the workplace, or termination from their work because of their sexual orientation or gender identity.

Good Practice
“Safe spaces” for LGBTI refugees in Iraq

Staff working at resettlement support centres (RSC) in Iraq often used a “safe space sign” to let refugees know that the RSC believes in equal rights for all persons and that those being persecuted for their sexual orientation or gender identity can speak freely at the RSC. This was also supported by handouts and other awareness-raising materials.

A hotline was also introduced during anti-LGBTI violence so that individuals could call for support without having to go to the office physically. Further, RSC staff were also fully trained to respond to LGBTI individuals. This way, they could ensure that LGBTI refugees had access to counselling, information, and responsive health and social services in camps and camp-like settings, during resettlement and beyond.

Source

Rumbach, 2013.

To Go Further
Key messages
  • Gender plays a significant role in people’s decisions to migrate, while at the same time, the factors influencing people to migrate have different impacts on different gender groups.
  • Perceptions of migrants, as well as the attitudes of the migrants themselves, are often shaped by gendered social norms.
  • Crisis can cause communities to enforce traditional gender roles in an attempt to reaffirm social order. However, it can also provide space for gender roles to be redefined.
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