A variety of approaches

The concept of development has shifted in meaning over recent decades. In turn, ideas about the links between development and migration have also changed. Broadly speaking, these ideas have been alternating between optimistic and pessimistic views (De Haas, 2010a; Lélé, 1991; Giddins, Hopwood and O’Brien, 2002). However, both these views ignore social and cultural factors, assuming that migrants act in automated ways dictated by economic considerations only. However, we cannot understand the relationship between migration and development if we look only at the economic drivers of migration, which reduce the actual complexity of human desires and decisions.

One of these social and cultural factors is that the impact of migration on development depends on government strategies. Migration is determined and affected by issues and dynamics at the level of households, of local and national policy frameworks and of international geopolitical realities. Each of these levels can affect aspirations to migrate and outcomes of migration. At the same time, the realities of migration can also have impacts at household, local, national and international levels, too. Approaching migration with this complexity in mind allows policymakers to understand not only how migration can support sustainable development, but also how policies at different levels can affect migration patterns and outcomes.

Table
Table 1. Different views on the migration–development nexus

OPTIMISTIC
  • Optimistic views were predominant in the 1970s and came back after the 1990s. They implied that migrants act as rationale market actors.
  • Initially, migration was believed to happen from “low-income” countries of origin towards “high-income” destination countries.
  • According to optimistic views, decisions to migrate and on destinations depended on the desire to narrow income gaps.
  • Optimistic views in the 1970s offered no space for social, political or cultural considerations. The nexus was only considered through a functionalist perspective.
  • In the 1990s, development was seen as linear and unavoidable, a straight path from traditional to modernity, as countries move up the “development stages.”
  • Underdevelopment was seen as a result of the lack of capital and knowledge in low-income countries. Migration, in this sense, was believed to allow for the circulation of capital and knowledge.
  • Today’s model also considers migration as a tool to achieve development that is sustainable (Giddins, Hopwood and O’Brien, 2002; Haughton, 1999).
PESSIMISTIC
  • Pessimistic views were popular between the 1970s and the 1990s after the failure of many development policies around the world.
  • According to these views, migration was a flight from structural poverty, rooted in postcolonial international relations, rather than a strategy to maximize income.
  • Pessimistic views implied that migration was only possible to those who could afford it. As a result, migration deprived countries of origin of their most skilled workers, to the benefit of higher-income countries.
  • The link between migration and development was seen as negative, only to the benefit of destination rather than origin countries.

 

Migration as a driver, consequence or inherent part of development

Migration as a driver of development

The nexus is not purely about migration from low-income to high-income countries. Indeed, migration can affect both countries of origin and destination, helping them achieve development outcomes.

At the level of households and families, migration can be a strategy to diversify income and reduce risks. As such, it can contribute to poverty reduction for migrants and their families. Family members remaining at home can benefit from migration through increased income and consumption. The family’s resilience to crises is also increased (see Family and migration). Migration also improves the likelihood that children who remain in their country of origin will achieve a better education (Antman, 2012; Toyota, Yeoh and Nguyen, 2007). Migration can also be a source of empowerment for migrant women (and groups who might be marginalized, such as non-binary individuals and the LGBTI community) in cases where greater gender equality and/or less rigid social norms exist in receiving than in origin communities (see Gender and migration).

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IOM, 2012.

Similarly, migration can improve access to health, education and other services. It is important to keep in mind, though, that when equal access to services is not ensured through sound policies, different levels of access to these services for migrant and non-migrant households can lead to increased inequalities. In this regard, it is important for policymakers to consider population changes, particularly concerning health and education services.

From a broader point of view, dynamics such as diaspora engagement, entrepreneurship (including upon return), and both family and collective remittances can contribute economically to the migrants’ countries of origin. As well, migrants can contribute to the development of the territories they live in, both at national and local levels.

Migration as a consequence of development

There are two ways of looking at migration as a consequence of development. First, migration can be a consequence of disasters. Second, migration can be a consequence of poorly planned development policies.

Migration can be a consequence of disasters, which can lead to displacement. Disasters, which are and will be increasingly frequent due to climate change disruptions, are generating mass movements (see Migration, environment and climate change and Prevention, preparedness and reducing risks). These disaster-induced displacements are related to the ways that development and structural deficiencies can lead or contribute to acute and chronic poverty, conflict and insecurity. These factors can also have a decisive impact on people’s decision to move.

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IOM, 2012.

Migration can also be a consequence of poorly planned development policies. A classic example is a scenario in which a State decides to build a dam to generate electricity. As a consequence, people lose their land and are evicted because providing electricity is prioritized over the livelihood of the people whose land is now underwater. When performed against international law and the provisions of international human rights treaties, including the right to adequate compensation, these actions amount to forced evictions and often result in subsequent displacement (see Solutions and Recovery).

Another example is an agricultural reform policy, which may lead to land grabbing or other land-deprivation dynamics, leaving people without prospects and forcing them to move. Trade policies, too, can put people’s livelihoods at stake when suddenly local markets are open to cheap imports, making domestic production less attractive. Each of these examples show how development policies can ignore the human costs and their effects on migration (United Nations Special Rapporteur on the Human Rights of Migrants, 2016).

Intrinsic aspect of development

Migration can be an intrinsic aspect of development. This is clear if we think about zones of free movement, such as the European Union, where the economic model is based on the mobility of people. Migration is a building block of Europe’s economy. This is an important point, as it concerns all similar regional mechanisms. These are built on common rules, allowing the mobility of workers, but also the portability of benefits and the compatibility of taxation regimes. Mobility, as we can see, is a key aspect of regional prosperity, of the businesses and of workers of a region. In these cases, thinking in terms of how migration contributes to development, or how development contributes to migration would show only a limited part of the whole picture, because by design, in a regional mechanism, migration is an intrinsic part of development policies (De Haas, 2010b).

To Go Further
  • Refer to the material developed in the context of the United Nations Joint Migration and Development Initiative (JMDI), as well as the dedicated knowledge platform, implemented by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), IOM and the International Training Centre of the International Labour Organization (ITC-ILO) with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), UN-Women and the United Nations Institute for Training and Research (UNITAR).
Rural development, internal migration and resiliency

Most rural development policies in low- and middle-income countries assume that more economically developed and resilient rural communities are less likely to engage in outmigration. In contexts of rapid urbanization and associated development challenges, rural–urban migration tends to be viewed only as a negative phenomenon to be prevented. However, the assumption is not necessarily true. Better-off households (or members thereof) may actually be more able and likely to migrate as they have the resources to do so (Clemens, 2014).

While it is true that rural outmigration can have negative development effects, it is also true that migration out of rural areas, particularly of a temporary nature, can have beneficial effects in the form of financial remittances and acquisition of new skills, among others. For instance, remittances sent by migrants (often internal migrants) contribute to building the resilience of individual households and entire communities in origin areas. The migration of one or more family members reduces the exposure of the family as a whole to environmental and other shocks such as agricultural/climatic seasonal cycles (see Managing environmental migration).

Policy Approaches
Facilitating internal mobility
  • Facilitate migrants’ registration with public authorities in destination areas as part of supporting migrants’ access to services and rights, including safe and affordable housing.
  • Provide rights to land tenure, basic services, social protection and political participation, in a way that is not perceived as positive discrimination for migrants or as prejudicial to existing residents.
  • Enhance the capacity of urban areas and their infrastructure to meet the needs of all current and future residents, including migrants.
  • Take account of potential negative environmental impacts of unmanaged in-migration.
The importance of integration

Integration is crucial to successfully linking migration and sustainable development. If, for instance, migrants cannot fully integrate into the social, economic, cultural and political life of the receiving community, they are limited to low-wage and low-skilled occupations without opportunities of upward mobility and continuous learning. In such cases, migrants can contribute to sustainable development only through remittances (in origin countries) and the provision of cheap labour (in destination countries). As such, understanding the integration of migrants is important to fully understand the migration–sustainable development nexus.

When designing development policies, it is best to coordinate with integration policies. This means considering the particular needs of specific categories of migrants who would need support in order to successfully participate in social, economic, cultural and political life of the receiving community (see Integration and social cohesion). Unfortunately, development and integration policies are most often developed separately, both in national and local policies as well as in international forums. Only a few countries have established whole-of-government approaches where the two policy sectors are fully coordinated.

Key messages
  • Migration can be a driver of development, a consequence of development policies, and an inherent part of development.
  • The understanding of the link between migration and development has evolved over time. On the one hand, it has shifted away from purely economic considerations toward incorporating social, political and cultural aspects. On the other hand, the definition of the migration–development nexus also evolves in parallel with shifts in the international frameworks.
  • The link between migration and sustainable development is not necessarily positive nor negative, nor does it represent a divide between high-income versus low-income countries. Migration can both affect (positively or negatively) and be affected (positively or negatively) by development.
  • The way migration and sustainable development interact is dependent on policies that go beyond migration, and that address issues throughout the migration experience. In this aspect, migrants’ integration and integration policies are a key aspect influencing migration and sustainable development.
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